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ỤZỌ NDỤ
NA EZIOKWU 1. INTRODUCTION
Ndi Igbo have suffered the double misfortune
of being misunderstood and having a bad press. In spite of their stupendous
achievements in every area of human endeavour, particularly in science and
technology, religion and education, the Igbo nation has been deliberately and
systematically marginalized. At the risk of sounding patriotic and
accommodating, Ndi Igbo have suffered the loss of their human rights and
dignity but have also shown great courage and determination to survive as a
people. The questions arise. What is it that keeps
Ndi Igbo going despite all odds? What is it that makes them behave, act, and
move the way they do? What is the power behind the Igbo? Why was Igbo religion
in conflict with Christianity? Why do the Igbo love the Christian way of life?
The answers to these questions are the main focus of this paper. These answers definitely are rooted in the traditional
religious life and philosophy of Ndi Igbo. It has been rightly observed that
the Igbo are a highly religious people. Writing about the Igbo in the early
1900, Major A.G. Leonard in his book The
Lower Niger and Its Peoples remarked that: They are in the
strict and natural sense of the word a truly and a deeply religious people, of
whom it can be said that they eat religiously, drink religiously, bathe
religiously, dress religiously and sin religiously. In a few words, the
religion of these as I have all along endeavored to point out is their
existence and their existence is their religion. This observation is not only true of the
Igbo but also of other Africans. Professor J.S. Mbiti (1969:1) more than fifty
years later in the opening sentence of the very first chapter of his book, African Religions and Philosophy has
re-echoed similar statement which summarized the traditional religious attitude
of Africans when he said: Africans are
notoriously religious, and each people has its own religious system with a set
of beliefs and practices. Religion permeates into all the departments of life
so fully that it is not easy or possible always to isolate it. A study of these
religious systems is therefore, ultimately a study of the people themselves in
all complexities of both traditional and modem life. Religion is the strongest
element in traditional background, and exerts probably the greatest influence
upon the thinking and living of the people concerned. Similarly, after observing how religion thoroughly
permeated the life of every Igbo, Bishop Shanahan was cited by John P. Jordan
(1971:115) as having come to the conclusion that: The average native (Igbo), was admirably suited by
environment and training, for an explanation of life in terms of the spirit;
rather than of the flesh. He was no materialist. Indeed nothing was farther
from his mind than a materialist philosophy of existence. It made no appeal to
him. In the context of this paper, Igbo religion
and philosophy are perceived as two sides of the same coin which Leonard,
Shanaham and Mbiti acknowledged. In order to understand and arrive at the
meaning of Igbo religion and philosophy, it is not necessary to engage in a
definition or analysis of concepts. On this I agree with Kunirum Osia that this
is because in Igbo, religious categories are not bound together in a purely
ideal order. The categories do not form a system, a bundle of abstractions, as
it were. Rather, they define a style of life, and a guide to practical living.
Unlike the major world religions, Igbo religion is not codified or formulated
into systematic dogmas. It is culturally learned and adopted. It is a
tradition. Religion is an intrinsic part of culture. Culture is itself the
totality of knowledge and behaviour, ideas and objects that constitute the
common heritage of a people in a given society. And as a lifestyle, culture
covers every aspect of the society's life in their efforts to relate with their
environment, with one another and as well as the ideational elements within the
society. Scholars agree that they are layers of culture. Kato (1976:8) had
identified the philosophical level of culture as its core. Philosophical not in
the sense of abstraction but in the sense of reality -- what is viewed as the
real thing that gives answers to life's problem. The philosophical level is the
basic thinking or idea of a community. It answers the question as to what gives
meaning to life. Close to this hard core of culture is the mythical level,
which is made up of the basic beliefs of the people, which gives meaning to
life. In a sense, people's culture constitutes their beliefs, customs, ethos,
and manners which of course enshrine morality. Whereas, on the one hand,
cultural elements can be discerned from the people's religion, the people's
religion itself is an intrinsic part of the people's culture in a broader
sense. Therefore studying one is by implication studying some of the vital
elements of the other. Philosophy is therefore the heart of culture. Religion and philosophy are therefore
concerned with the beliefs and practices of the people. T. U. Nwala (1985:26)
in his book Igbo Philosophy argues
that the best word or concept which expresses Igbo philosophy is Omenala or Omenanị which literally means that which obtains in the land
or community and refers to what accords with the customs and traditions of the
Igbo people. For Nwala, Igbo philosophy is the philosophy of Omenala, Omenala referring to the spirit, the
underlying principal or idea behind a particular custom/act. The inseparability
of the two concepts are similarly recognized by Professor N.S.S. lwe when he
argued that the African, Traditional Religion is inseparably interwoven with
the traditional African society and culture. This is because African
traditional religion is essentially a philosophy and a spiritual way of life,
which permeates, pervades and animates the traditional social institution,
norms and celebrations. Nwala (1985:112-200) also agreed with the
inseparability of Igbo religion and philosophy. He rightly noted that generally
a people or an individual may have a philosophy but no religion, but no people
or individual may have a religion without a philosophy. Religion and philosophy
are intimately related both in the belief and practice content. We must note
here that every Igbo ritual act - sacrifice, dance, festival, has a philosophy
or idea behind it; it is such an idea that motivates such act. Both involve
basic belief, a philosophy, an underlying principle, or an idea, which generate
actions and behaviours, which influence individual or group. Therefore it is
obvious that a discussion of traditional Igbo religion must involve a
discussion of Igbo philosophy. The main justifications rest on: 1) That Igbo religion
and philosophy are centered on Chukwu, the Supreme God and 2) The fact that the
sacred and the secular are held together. In other words, the secular life of
the Igbo like all other traditional communities has been inseparable from their
religious life. Their cosmology has a deep religious root and their practical
life and moral values are interwoven with their religion. The only weakness is
that their philosophy has often lacked what Nwala rightly called “critical and
analytical content" The point being emphasized is the
appropriateness of the expression Igbo religion and philosophy. Religion and
philosophy originated from native African soil (Onyewuenyi, 1993) and therefore
indigenous to the Igbo as well. Both are about our way of life, concerned with
meaning and explanation. In other words, the burden of our argument
is that one of the challenges of Ndi Igbo in the 21st century is
religious. Therefore, our intention is to engage .in a hermeneutical exposition
of some aspects of Igbo religion and philosophy from the Igbo African point of
view. It is here we find the essence of the reality of Igbo scholarship in the
traditional Igbo religion. I am not, however, ignorant of the
propaganda mounted by western writers about the sub-humanity of Africans as a people
without history, without religion, (Green, 1964:52) denying them any conception
of morality (Basden; 1966:34) and lacking in intellectual and technological
accomplishments. I am not unaware of how African religions in general, and Igbo
religion in particular suffered neglect, misinterpretations and distortions in
the hands of missionaries and colonial government and their agents. Without any intention to criticize any of
these previous writers who had done veritable work in the study of African religions,
our position is rather to indicate a positive contribution to the on-going
quest for a meaningful and contextual interpretation of some aspects of Igbo
religion and philosophy from the African point of view. The work will draw
attention to the great potential Igbo religion and philosophy hold out for the
unity, peace and progress of the people was well as to argue that Igbo religion
and philosophy has been the key to Igbo self-understanding, identity and
achievement within the Nigerian State.
We will emphasise within that context that the religious challenge of
the 21st century is for the
Igbo to take a leap of faith and be fully restored in their relationship with
'Chukwu' first entered into by Igbo first ancestor and to insist that
Christianity and education which act as sources of empowerment remain the only
viable option that can equip the Igbo with character and knowledge that can
transform us into instruments of change in the 21st century world
which is knowledge-based, technology- driven and responsive to environmental
concerns. We will begin this study by probing into the origin of the Igbo and
their religion. 2. ORIGIN
OF IGBO TRADITIONAL RELIGION 2.1. Who are
the Igbo? The puzzle about Igbo origin has been
attributed to lack of interest in Igbo studies either from our own people or
from outsiders. This problem was compounded by the fact that some Igbo people
did not accept others as being ‘lgbo,’ for instance, Mbieri people did not
regard the Similarly, some groups in We do not intend to go into the old
speculative arguments about the theories of Igbo origin and expansion. The
people we intend to focus on in this work are found in the South-eastern part
of Nigeria and are presently comprised of the people of Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi,
Enugu, Imo and parts of Delta, Rivers, Cross River and Akwa-Ibom States. The
Igbo have common boundaries with the Igala and Idoma on the north, the Ijaw and
the Ogoni on the South, the Yako and the Ibibio on the Eastern boundary and the
Bini and Warri on the West. The Igbo geographical area are what scholars call a
culture area, rural or urban, manifesting distinctive characteristics or
traits. Ọnwụejeọgwụ (1975) in his Article "the Igbo
Culture Area" identified six basic traits which include: the linguistic,
social, political, economic, ritual, and cultural traits. There are five identifiable sub- culture
areas within the Igbo culture area made up of: (1) Eastern or Cross River Igbo (2) Southern
or Owerri Igbo, (3) northern or Onitsha Igbo (4) Western Igbo and (5)
North-Eastern Igbo (Forde and Jones, 1950:10) Inspite of the obvious sub
cultural differences, the Igbo see themselves as one people and at the same
time outsiders see them as a homogeneous entity. They are a unique people.
While the Yoruba could find their kins in Burkina Faso and the Hausa could find
their kins in Chad and Niger, historians are yet to tell us where- the Igbo
could be found other than in the South- eastern part of Nigeria. In recent times, our scholars have engaged
in an exciting and fruitful research into Igbo origin. Their efforts are highly
commendable. Professor A.E. Afigbo has ably articulated the scholarly views on
Igbo origin in his books Ropes of Sand (1981)
and more recent monograph - Igbo Genesis (2000).
The weight of scholarly opinion rests mightily on situating Igbo origin within
the Negro race generally but particularly in In fact conventional wisdom ostensibly based
on earlier discoveries had placed the origin of man around the Speculations about Igbo ancestry whether it
was Eri as in Nri myth Digbo as contained in Nwosu’s Ndi Ichie Akwa Mytholody and Folklore Origins of the Igbo (1983)
cannot be historically confirmed.
However, both Igbo myth of origin and archeological discoveries show
that Igbo history and culture go far back into human history. 2.2. ORIGIN OF
IGBO TRADITIONAL RELIGION 2.2.1. VIEWS ON
THEORIES OF ORIGINS OF RELIGIONS As far as we know, all human societies have
possessed beliefs and practices which have come to be grouped and known under
the name ‘religion.’ Religion is thus a universal phenomenon. Speculation about
which religion would be superior has never been of scholarly interest but
rather why religion is found at all in all societies. The quest for the origins of religion has
centered on four main views. The first refers to the psychological theories,
which cover a variety of postulations, which 1ocate the origin, of religion in
primitive people’s concept of ghosts, the soul and even in the deification of
natural phenomena. One of the most enduring strands was that the origin of
religions is in fetishism – worship of the animate and inanimate things, which
the early Portuguese observed in In sum, all psychological theories agreed
that whatever the origin or purpose, whatever the belief or rituals, religion
served to reduce anxiety, and uncertainly which are common to all people.
Second Sociological theories suggest that religion stems from society's needs.
Emile Durkhein recognized that it is the society not the individual which is
the society; not the individual which distinguishes between sacred and profane
things. He suggested that a sacred object symbolizes the social fact that
society considered something sacred. In other words the sociological theories
concentrate on religion as significant to social solidarity and the integration
of the relevant society within which the feelings, belief and practices are
common. It was argued that societies from ancient
times modeled their cosmology after their own experiences. Aristotle in
Politics (1.1.7} tersely stated as follows: As men imagine gods
in human form, so also they suppose their manner of life to be like their own. Aristotle's view was extended by later
scholars who saw a relationship between political sophistication and the nature
of a people's cosmology (Nwanunobi, 1992:168). Thus Fuste1 de Coulanges argued
that ancestor worship as the origin of religion since in ancient societies
before the larger forms of political organizations: the family was the basis of
co-operation and survival. The third suggestion is the combination of
the psychological and sociological approaches. This position argued that
religion is a response to strain or deprivation which is caused by events in
society. Thus, when the society is stable, its efforts and its energy are
employed to maintain its equilibrium. But when the stability is threatened
either by internal dissension or by outside force, the society many
‘revitalize’ itself by various means. Perhaps this revita1ization is achieved
by a new cult, sect, denomination or religion. Aberle (1971: 528-531) has
argued that relative deprivation, whether economic or social, is the cause of
the stress which generates new religious movements. Wallace {1966:30) suggested
that the threat of societal breakdown forces people to examine new ways to
survive. It is the hope they gain from the new ways - not deprivation for
people can live for centuries in deprivation-which leads them to revitalize
their society. The last view for the origin of religion
which anthropologists and psychologists do not like to mention is that of
revelation. Revelation is God’s disclosure of himself to man. The Bible tells
us in Hebrews 1:1-2, God has in the last days finally and fully revealed
himself to humanity. Christ is the full expression of God's revelation, better
than anything in the Old Testament, and so the author warns his readers to
depend on Christ alone. Igbos believe in God’s revelation to their ancient
ancestors, including revealing his name as Chukwu.
It is with this conviction we now discuss the origin of Igbo traditional
religion. 2.2.2. IGBO
TRADITIONL RELIGION: IT'S GENESIS Our Igbo ancestors were philosophers who
were inspired by Chiukwu/Chukwu, the
Supreme Being. In other words, our Igbo
ancestors like other ethnic groups received the revelation of God. Igbo religion is as old as humanity. It is a well-established fact that religion
in It is for this reason that one comes to the
conviction that the Igbo people are born religious. In Igbo world, time and
space, objects and persons are made sacred. People born into the Igbo world
approximate to the spiritual. Thus people are born with their personal ‘Chi’ or
personal god or protective spirit. The question here is what is the origin of
this religious sentiment in the Igbo? In other words what is the origin of Igbo
traditional religion? This question has not been a scholarly focus. Many
renowned Igbo scholars have written on many aspects of Igbo traditional
religion but that question has never attracted their conscious attention. Professor A. E. Afigbo (1981:9) in his Ropes of Sand first muted the idea of
the origin Igbo Traditional religion, and I share his insight on the subject. The history of the origin of Igbo
traditional religion must be sought within Igbo history of origin. Igbo lived a hazardous wandering life of the
hunter and gatherer of wild edible plants. The tradition of Nri disclosed how
the Igbo entered a settled 1ife which brought him further development of
skills. The Nri Myth has it that the father of all
Nri was Eri. When Eri was sent by Chukwu from the Sky to the earth, he sat on
an anti-hill because he saw watery marshy earth. When Eri complained to God Chukwu, sent an Awka
blacksmith with his fiery bellow and charcoal to dry the earth. After the
assignment, the Awka blacksmith was given ọfọ as a mark of
authority for his smithing profession. While Eri lived, Chukwu fed him and his
people with azu-igwe! But this
special food ceased after the death of Eri. Nri his first son complained to
Chukwu for food. Chukwu ordered Nri to sacrifice his first son and daughter and
bury them in separate graves. Nri
complied with it. Later after
three-Igbo-weeks (Izu atọ = 12 days) yam grew from the grave of the son
and cocoyam from that of the daughter.
When Nri and his people ate these, they slept for the first time; later
still Nri killed a male and female slaves burying them separately. Again, after
Izu Ato, an oil palm grew from the grave of the male slave, and a bread fruit
tree (ukwa) from that of the female-slave (Afigbo, 1981:41-42). With this new
food supply, Nri and his people ate and prospered. Chukwu asked him to
distribute the new food items to all people but Nri refused because he bought
them at the cost of sacrificing his own children and slave. Nri and; Chukwu
made an agreement. According to M. D. W. Jeffreys (1956:123) a tradition has it
that: As a reward for
distributing food to the other towns Nri would have the right of cleansing
every town of an abomination (nso) or
breach, of crowning the eze at Aguleri,
and of tying the Ngulu (ankle cords)
when a man takes the title of ozo. Also
he and his successor’s would have the privilege of making the Oguji, or yam medicine, each year for
ensuring a plentiful supply of yams in all surrounding towns, or in all towns
that subjected themselves to the Eze Nri. For this medicine all the surrounding
towns would come in and pay tribute and Umunmdri people then could travel
unarmed through the world and no one would attack or harm them. Another tradition claims that because Nri
would not sell yam to his neighbours, he then demanded seven fowls, chalk, a
pot and goats, with these he made medicine Ifejiọkụ,
the yam spirit, which he gave to the applicants. They took this home with
the new crops and sacrificed to it. This tradition has some variation but basic
facts still remains (Isichei, 1977:22-23; Thomas, 1913:50). The discovery of yam cultivation formed not
only the economic base of Igbo civilization but it also carried tremendous
religious import. It was of such great importance that it was given ritual and
symbolic expressions in many areas of Igbo life -- (Sacrifice at Nfijoku/ Ifejiọkụ during Yam
festival/Iriji). The Nri myth
suggested how agriculture and iron technology brought tremendous changes in the
life of the Igbo. These changes Afigbo rightly indicated includes (1) the more
effective mastery of the land, (2) the growth of population, (3) the
elaboration of the archetypal Igbo social institutions (4) the evolution of a
cosmological system in which the Earth (Ala,
Ani, Ali) then became deified and occupied the central place as the
ordainer and guardian of morality, the source of law and customs. It is significant to note here the emergence
of Igbo cosmology from the Nri myth in which This development accords with the otiose character of Chukwu - the Supreme
Being - in Igbo cosmology and the domination of the lgbo world by the Earth
goddess. This is not only peculiar to the Igbo; it is a common perception of
the Supreme Being as Deus Otiosus in
primal religions. The Nri myth which contains Igbo cosmology
also has in it an important dimension of historical truth not yet hitherto
recognized, namely, the origin or evolution of Igbo traditional religion
(Afigbo, 1981:9). We wish to suggest and maintain based on Nri myth that Igbo
traditional religion is going through a three-stage development. The first
stage is what we may call the Eri period. This period agrees with Professor
Afigbo's periodization in 1983 which he labeled the a-horizon. This first stage
is the earliest period of human existence, the probable dynamic age of Chukwu,
when God created and dominated the earth, including the Igbo world. The age of
pure intuition marked by the over powering awareness of the presence and
nearness of Chukwu the creator. The God fed Eri and his people and Eri had
intimate contact with Chukwu and worshipped him alone. This was the age of
innocence and what existed at period was pure religion. This was because man
had not come to need intermediaries between him and his creator. Igbo myths and
folklores lend validity to this claim (New; 1985:15-32 Iwuagwu). 'The second stage is the hunting and
gathering stage of existence when the Igbo had not fully come to a full
appreciation of the value of the land.
This I call the Nri period, when with the coming of agriculture and iron
technology the Igbo attention shifted from the sky above to the earth below,
with Ala, Ani, Ali displacing
'Chukwu' into a supposedly remote inactivity. This is the supposed period in
primal societies including Igbo when 'Chukwu' came to be perceived as the Deus Otiosus the withdrawn God, the
absentee landlord. This period marked
the dominance of the Earth goddess in Igbo traditional life and the origin of
Igbo traditional religion. Based on Nri
myth, it became the chief function of Eze Nri to preside over the worship,
veneration and purification of the Earth through rituals and sacrifices. Professor Afigbo calls this period the
b-horizon marked by recession of pure intuition, the fall of man, the
withdrawal of the creator and the domination of man's daily existence by a hose
of gods and spirits. At this time the Igbo adopted divinities which appear to
work in controlling their world. The dominance of the Earth goddess in Igbo
land at this period is well acknowledged. On this Professor Anene (1966:12-13)
stated: Among the Igbo law
and custom were believed to have been handed down from the spirit world from
time immemorial from ancestor to ancestor. The spirit world comprised a
hierarchy of gods: the most important perhaps was the god of the land-the
unseen president of the small localized community. No community is complete
without the shrine of the god of the land. The god of the land in context refers to the
Earth goddess whose influence is very great in a society whose economy is
primarily agricultural. It is at this stage that the Igbo abandoned the worship
of Chineke God to the worship of the
created things. The acknowledgement of the High God, the Creator, at the same
time as he is dealt with as remote or withdrawn forms the major basis of the
concept of deus otiosus or deus remotus or deus absconditus which many writers have given attention to at
various times (Pettazzoni, 1954:Horton, 1971 85-108) Apart from the
worship of The organizers of these cults were diviners,
priest, medicine men, traders and other ritual experts as well as men of note
in the community who considered their life, political and economic interests
threatened. Quite often people go to these divinities to take oath. Their
origin in most of those communities is unknown, they do not have documentary
history but they were believed to have been brought by their respective
ancestors many of whom were unknown to them. Some of them are said to have
taken their origin from outside Igbo territory and especially from Igbo
neighbours such as Efik, Ibibio Yako and Ekoi. (Onunwa, 1990:11, 21, 31). Two of the prominent Oracular divinities -
Ibinukpabi of Arọchukwu and Ogbunworie of Ezumuọha were destroyed
by the British in 1901/02 and 1910 respectively, but their influence still
linger. At the moment there are severa1 millions of deities and divinities in
Igbo land. In this second stage, however, it is obvious
that something definitely went wrong. It is the stage that Igbo ancestors
abandoned the worship of God the Creator to the worship of the created things -
Thus there came a great gap, a lacuna in
Igbo spirituality. As the Nri myth would tend to suggest there arose a broken
link between chukwu and Igbo ancestors, a broken link that has to be restored. The development gained impetus in the third
stage of development of Igbo traditional religious life. This period Prof..
Afigbo called the c-horizon but which we now refer to as the Arọ Era. The
Arọ Era is what Professor Afig designated in his Ropes of Sand as the era of Arọchukwu Ascendancy with its
Ibinukpabi Oracle - their famous Long Juju.
The era, which we regard as "the most tragic" for the Igbo race
because of the evils of slave trade and slavery. A lot has been written about
it. It is obvious that Eze Arọ one of the highly recognized kingship
stools in Igbo land pre-date the existence of Ibinukpabi Oracle. It is an
Oracle, which no Arọ person would like to discuss. However, it is
generally believed to have been imported from a small Ibibio shrine (Isichei,
1976:59). The influence of the oracle in Igbo land was like a harmattan fire.
It is believed to have conferred so much prestige and authority on the Arọ
to such an extent that in 1896 an Arọ person proudly announced to a white
man at Aba in "broken English" that he was an 'Arọ man' and a
'God boy' (Isichei, 1976:59). Scholars agreed that the oracle rested on a
deliberate deception. The Arọ civilization of the period was extremely
idolatrous, materialistic and dehumanizing. The Arọ civilization
generated trade in which the Igbo were commodities of trade. The slave trade
bred a disregard for human life. It is reported that in Nsukka ten human slaves
sold for a horse and in Uburu in the 1880's a horse was exchanged for four to
six adult human slaves (Isichei, 1978:47). Professor Ọnwụejeọgwụ
indicated that Ibinukpabi supported slave trade, which brought into Igboland
depopulation due to instigated wars, family disorganization, ritual cannibalism
and human sacrifices (1987:56). Thus Arọ at this period combined slave
trade and manipulation of the oracle by a highly intelligent group or kinsmen
for their religious and economic interests. Thus fear of insecurity, constant
wars, headhunting at this period led many Igbo resort to seeking the protection
of divinities and deities most of which were imported. Similarly there emerged highly developed
secret societies as a new (p.12) instrument of social control. This is not to
say that secret society was absent in Igbo land but it became prominent. The Arọ
brought secret societies from Efik-Ibibio areas into Igbo land, such as Ekpe,
Okonko, Obong, Akang. The Arọ made great use of them and because of their
influence cult houses were erected for them at the village centers of several
Igbo communities, for effective control of communities. They also made use of nsibidi sign for communication which
made the need for initiation quite attractive. Thus it was common to hear that
the need to belong to a secret cult would enable one pass through the road (ka ewere ya ga n'uzo). In effect, this
period brought about the multiplication of deities or divinities for security. In sum, according to Igbo myth Igbo religion
in its purest form originated as a direct revelation of 'Chukwu, 'Chineke' to
the Igbo earliest ancestor. In course of time, the subsequent earliest Igbo
ancestors lost touch with the original revelation, and turned their back on
'Chukwu' but focused on the worship of created things -- Ala/Anị (the Earth goddess) not as creator but as their
sustainer and protector. This leads to
the theory of the origin of Igbo traditional religion as a combination of
psychological and sociological needs for their protection and survival. Thus in their various studies Basden,
(1938), Meek, (1943), Forde and Jones, (1962), Ilogu (1973), and other numerous
researches conducted on Igbo traditional religion in the department of
religion, all agree that the idea of 'Chukwu,' Chineke,' is central to Igbo
traditional belief and life. We agree with Nwanunobi (1992) that the
overwhelming situation is such that even though there is a belief in the
Supreme God in Igbo traditional religion, the brand of belief is characterized
as polytheistic. It is a type of polytheism in which the High God, 'Chukwu'
presides over the lesser gods often perceived as intermediaries in the cosmic
hierarchy. The Earth goddess was the arch-divinity with omenala as its governing moral code which regulates human
relationship with the land according to what obtains in the land or community. Having therefore examined rather briefly the
origin of Igbo man and his traditional religion let us then inquire into how
the Igbo man perceived his world, his person, his vision and his mission. 3. IGBO PERCEPTION OF THEIR WORLD Igbo world-view is
significant in understanding the Igbo man and his identity, his vision and his
mission in the world. The Igbo traditional understanding of the
world and reality as a whole is religious and holistic. The universe is
conceived of a cyclical order as the seasons of the year, the sun, the moon,
the stars and natural events in general repeat themselves in an interminable
way. Mircea Elide calls this repetitive order in nature as the "myth of
eternal return" (1959). This ordered succession symbolized harmony, persistence
and dynamism. This order must not be disrupted in the Universe in which the
different levels of space as perceived are inhabited. A critical look at the Igbo world -- view
would throw light on the rationale for man's insistence on maintaining the
delicate balance or cordial relationship between him and the spirit beings in
the spirit world as well as ensure the maximum success of his life on earth. 3.1. GOD AND
gods IN IGBO As a matter of fact, Igbo religious philosophy
(religion and philosophy) begins with his conception of the Supreme God
variously called Chiukwu, Chukwu, Chineke (Obasi
di n'elu). The Supreme Being is the primal being. Though the Igbo traditional religious
thought cannot lay any special claim as to a clearer and more comprehensive
perception of the nature of the Supreme God than any other group of mankind,
yet there are numerous references and attributes which the Igbo use to express
their keen awareness of the supreme reality and ultimate explanation of all the
things. Philosophically in this regard, the Supreme Being is conceived under
two major principles - (1) the principle of creation (Chi-Okike) (Chineke) (2) the principle of Absoluteness (Chi-Ukwu) (Chiukwu). Both principles are implied in the
principles of (i) divinity and (ii) absolute dependence, which are expressed in
the conception of "Chi" or personal god (Nwala, 1985:115-116). In
creation, Chukwu or Chineke is the creator of all things including man whom he
endows with his nature and his destiny. This nature and destiny are referred to
as 'uwa' and 'chi' which every person possess. The principle of creation (Okike) (Chineke) shows man's divine
origin. The second principle - the principle of
absoluteness means absolute/perfect in power and might in everything. Here he
is Chi-Ukwu (the Great God Chukwu),
his other names such as Chukwuka (God
is supreme), Onyekachukwu (who is
greater than God), Ifeanyịchukwu (Nothing
is beyond God's power) Chukwunweike (In
God rests all strength) also express this principle of abso1uteness. On the
basis of this principle, the Igbo invoke the ultimate power and protection of
the Supreme Being especially when all else has failed them. Generally Chukwu's power is constantly
sought in oral prayers. The principle of absolute dependence earlier referred
to shows the source of man's nonexistence and welfare. This keen awareness of God is also expressed
in the Igbo traditional ritual of Igbo Ọfọ
by the elders. Ọfọ symbol
itself is a clear expression of the concept of the Supreme Being's authority,
justice and-truth. The belief in the Supreme Being among the Igbo has been
strongly attested to by many other foreign writers like O'Connell, Schon and
Crowther, Talbot, Basden, Meek and others. Thus the concept of the Supreme God as a
'loan god' introduced by the missionaries as a "stranger" in Igbo
religious thought (Nwoga, 1984) is definitely unfounded and irrelevant. The
Supreme God is seen as the chief guest of honour at every Igbo traditional
religious festival or ritual, the ultimate recipient of sacrifices even though
there is no elaborate cult for him in Igbo land. As a matter of fact Archival records showed
that early Christian missionaries to Igbo land drew abundantly from Igbo
terminologies including the idea and name for the Supreme God, in their
preachings and translations (CMS, 1862). Moreover, research works by some Igbo
scholars like R.A. Arazu, S.N Ezeanya, E,C. Ilogu , E. Ikenga-Metuh and E.I.
Ejizu have also proved that the generalization that 'Chukwu' was not
acknowledged in public cults among the Igbo, is also an over-simplification.
Public altars and rituals in honour of Chukwu, though not elaborate, did exist
in certain traditional Igbo sub-cultural units as Ihembosi, Okija, Ihiala, Aji,
Nsukka and Ututu (Akum, 1983), (Ezeanya 1969:39-40). 3.2. DIVINITIES
AND DEITIES However, the stronger belief in and
pre-occupation with the divinities and deities, and patron spirits, are
manifestly the most striking feature of Igbo traditional religion. No matter what other writers say, polytheism
(which means belief in or worship of many gods) is practised among the
traditional Igbo. But it does no imply that all the local deities are of equal
importance and power to the people. Although a lot of local variation exist in
names, categories and details of belief in and worship of these divinities, a
number of them are believed to be major divinities and are widely acknowledged.
These include: Anyanwu (the sungod), Igwekaala (the sky god), Of all the divinities The Igbo belief in the ancestors is a clear
expression of the people's faith in "after-life" even though
perceived in the context of external return to the earth again in
reincarnation. And it is believed that one's status in the after-life depends entirely
on one's status here on earth since the spirit- world is a mirror of the human
world with same topography and similar organization. The motion of judgment
which everyone is afraid of is clearly spelt out by the Igbo belief in
reincarnation. Seen from the anthropological perspective,
Igbo traditional religion, as evident from the pantheon of spirits and deities
acknowledged in worship in various localities, is a religion of structure,
inextricably bound up with the total structure of Igbo traditional life. For
the Igbo, man's existence, his welfare and destiny are totally caught up the
general behaviour of the forces above, under and around him, Igbo believe that
the more man can control nature and the force, the more he is able to enjoy
protection, longevity, progress, success and peace with God, the divinities and
the ancestors. This perception of his world-view and control methods is borne
out of the conviction about the constant interaction between the world of the
spirit d the world of men. Igbo religion relies heavily on divination in this
regard. 3.2.1. Divination: Igbo religion relies on a diviner or divination to
provide answers to problems and puzzles of daily life-experiences. Divination
therefore becomes the mechanism
for connecting observed effects to causes that lie beyond the powers of common
sense to comprehend. In other words, the essence of divination in
Igbo religion is the provision for resolving one difficulty or the other that
the individual or the community encounters as he attempts to understand the
world around him. The diviner (dibiaafa/Igba
aja) is thus a busy person among the adherent of the Igbo religion. He is
consulted for practically all problems, sicknesses and failure in business or
failure to have a male child, boundary disputes, sudden death, etc. After
determining the cause of the problem, the diviner then prescribes remedies
which more often than not are sacrifices to be made to the ancestors or to the
spirits believed to be angry about something. The centrality of Igbo religion
is defined by divination. It offers a lot of attraction to many Christians who
have not yet committed their lives to Christ. In other words, Divination is
therefore a common key that unlocks the door into the interpretation of various
aspects of Igbo religion. It plays an important role in the Igbo belief in
reincarnation. 3.2.2. Reincarnation: Reincarnation is one of the Igbo beliefs that have
persisted in spite of the influence of westernization or christianity. The issue
of reincarnation is a problematic one in Igbo thought and life, Damian Opata's Essays on Igbo World View (1998) argues
that it is to be understood around two principal Igbo concepts: ilua uwa and Ogbanje. Both involve some kind of re-embodied existence after
having lived and died in the world. This is better understood in the Igbo
conceptualization of two types of existence uwa
mgbede and uwa Ututu. The ogbanje phenomenon is the repetitive
coming and going of people especially of children into one's family. It is an
undesirable thing in a family. The principle of reincarnation is seen as a
positive one because it is believed that only people who have lived well and
died well are the only person entitled to reincarnate or re-embody themselves
in a beneficent manner. Thus it is common experience through divination to
identify who reincarnated a new born baby. This is the work of a diviner. In
Igbo a diviner is dibiaafa (ogbaaja), and could be a medicine man or
a priest. Some of them undergo special training in the use of herbs, in
clairvoyance, divination and reincarnation. The concept of reincarnation makes
meaningful the Igbo belief of life after death. Since the biblical concept of
resurrection is not clearly understood by many, in traditional Igbo setting,
the concept of reincarnation assures an Igbo that his attempt to lead a good
life here on earth, obey the deities and the ancestors are not in vain. Death
is not the end of life. There is another life after death and the most
practical way to make it meaningful is the belief in reincarnation which
includes physical resemblance, character traits, oracular pronouncements all of
which point to the fact that the dead are somewhere waiting for their return to
the world of time and space. The notion of judgment which people fear is so
clearly spelt out by reincarnation belief. This implication of judgment also
brings in the moral and ethnical implications of the belief. Thus it becomes
obvious that death and reincarnation explain quite a lot about the Igbo realization
of a meaningful existence. Within the concept are woven some principles of
existence, some deep and lasting motivation for decent living among the Igbo,
motivation based on everlasting and transcendent reward. It is the idea of
living well among the Igbo that constitutes for them an authentic existence
such that it could be said that to have died well is to have lived well. 3.3. MAN IN
IGBO THOUGHT Inspite of the Igbo concept of 'Chukwu', the
Igbo world remains homo-eccentric. In other words, although 'Chukwu' is the
foundation of Igbo religion and philosophy, yet Igbo world and Igbo philosophy
is focused on man. Igbo philosophy begins with his conception
of life (Ndụ). Life is the
consciousness of 'being' or existing. Man (mma
ndụ) is made up of "life' (Ndụ),
intellect (Uche) and body (ahu). When there is no life in a person
he is ozu (corpse). It is the sole
function of life to hold body and intellect firmly in their positions and
sustains them. As far as life is doing this, man is said to be living a human
life and is capable of showing the act of knowledge. Thus the source or origin
of human knowledge is life. This life comes from God (chinwendụ). For the Igbo like the others life is simply
a gift (Ndụ bụ onyinye). Thus
according to the Igbo, "life is a gift owned by God and is given to
somebody" or "some thing by God only." Hence the Igbo say that
"Ndụ bụ Onyinye
Chukwu" (Life is the gift of God). To mention God in an epistemological
treatise like this is definitely disapproved of by some philosophers. But the
Igbo people do not have any apology to render to any of such people because
their sense of God is deeply rooted in our Igbo philosophy. For the Igbo,
philosophy without God who is the first philosopher is no philosophy. That is
why it is unthinkable for the Igbo to have a religion without philosophy. As
Fr. J.J.C. Akunne (1995) rightly put it: For us Igbo
philosophy without God is like a house without a roof. To philosophize whether
there is God or not and to marshal out argument for or against it is the most
absurd thing any lgbo man is expected to do. A basic question has
been asked as to what a human being is for the Igbo in regard to the origin of
human knowledge. Greek philosophers' positions have varied. For
instance, the Rationalists concluded that human knowledge originated from
reason alone. The Empiricists asserted that human knowledge originated from
experience, while the Kantians maintain that some human knowledge originated
from reason, and some in experience and others in their necessity. With the
fact established that Greek philosophy originated from African philosophy
(Onyewuenyi, 1993) tremendous contributions have come from other African
thinkers. Using the theory of Ndụakpunyereuchenaahụ,
it is rightly argued that knowledge originated from life. Man has within
him the gift of life which carries within itself essentially the gift of
knowledge. As a man starts developing in the womb, the intellect and body
become the effects of this development, which reaches its For the Igbo, God is life (Chi bụ ndụ) and God owns
life (Chinwendụ). Since we have
life we have a share in God. This lifeness of the life in us makes our morality
which has eschatological under-tone meaningful. This is because for the
Africans to be is to live, and therefore, one continues to live even after
death when he continues to live in another form. This is where the Greek
philosophers failed. They fai1ed to recognize the inseparability of the
intellect and body. They separated intellect and body respectively and gave
them independent existence. For the Igbo, this proves the fact that not only
that life continues after death but also that it is the same person when alive
in this untranscendental world is responsible for all his/her good and bad
action done in this world. In other, words a person starts life in the
transcendental world following the occurrence of death, it is the person who is
now living on this earthly world that will continue to live the transcendental
world with his full identity. His life will be the same life because life is
not affected by the action of death. Because life is not affected, it carries
the implication of one's action in our mundane world into that of our
transcendental world, acquiring a new form of intellect and body. In other
words, in Igbo thought and life, man finds ultimate meaning in transcendence
even though it is a homo-centric world. 3.4. KOLANUT
AS LIFE AFFIRMING PRINCIPLE Igbo philosophy is life-affirming because it
centered on human being. Igbo people usually say Ndụ bụ Isi (Life first). It has been observed that the
overall conceptualization of the kolanut among the Igbo is that it is a life
affirming principle. Kolanut presentation, ritual, breaking and sharing is
significant in Igbo land. The ritual invocation will include Chukwu, ancestors,
the clan deities, the spirit forces especially the market days. Finally the invocation
would normally end with an affirmation of life: Ndi ebe anyị anyị ga adị anyị goro ka anyị dịrị ọ bụghị ka anyị nwụọ
(Our people we shall live we have prayed for
life not for death).
Onye wetara ọji wetara ndụ (He who brings kola brings life). Among the Igbo, everything that is, has a
life and to be alive is the aspiration of every living thing. Ọji
(kolanut) is life because he who brings it brings life in the dual sense (1)
that signifies welcome and friendship and (2) that the prayer for good and long
life which precede its breaking and eating would be accepted by the ancestors.
From the biological point of view, the kolanut is also life affirming. Paul E.
Lovejoy (1980:2) listed forty medicinal uses of kolanut, collected at the
beginning of the 20th century, and included relief from hunger, fatigue and
thirst as important properties along with cures from headaches and sexual
impotence. This list is interesting because the medicinal uses noted is all
life affirming. Of special importance is the fact that it could be used as cure
for sexual importance. For the Igbo, nothing can be more life affirming than
this very fact. In other words, kolanut in Igbo world view touches on the
principal essence of existence: being alive and sustaining it. This principle of life affirmation as
constituting the essence of the kola is also supported by the Igbo myth surrounding
he emergence of the four Igbo market days. It is aid that four enigmatic people
once visited a place. They would neither eat nor talk. But by mere coincidence,
some one gave them a piece of kolanut to eat. To the surprise of all assembled,
the people suddenly were given to speech in which they revealed their names as
Orie (Oye), Eke, Nkwọ and Afọ. By this singular act, the kola is
said to have gained significance not only as the food of the spirits, but also
something that gives life. This is because somebody who can neither talk nor
eat anything is as good as dead. It is only something that can give life that
worked the wonder of giving back life even to the spirits. This is the basis of
the Igbo saying: Onye wetara ọjị wetara ndụ. Apart from being an
affirmation of life, it is also a symbol of continuity, of the entire life
process as a continuum. Kolanut ritual is always a feature of the Igbo society,
in social functions and ceremonies, which has resisted westernization and
Christianity. In addition, numerous researches conducted
on ritual practices that have to do with consecration of time, space, animate
and inanimate objects have also confirmed this affirmation of the life
principle in Igbo cosmology. The ritual practice of itu aka (ritual offering of food to the spirits in general in
Agukwu Nri, or itu aka ezi (ritual
throwing of food outside for the spirits) as in Ututu, Arọchukwu,
Ezza/Izzi are highly illuminating because they also show the purpose for such a
practice. For instance, the research conducted by Anthony Ekwunife, of the
department of religion, 3.5. ‘CHI’ IN
IGBO WORLD VIEW We have seen that inspite of the remarkable
awareness of spiritual forces, the Igbo like the other Africans, place man at
the center of the universe, yet there is the irony that his destiny is determined
by the 'chi' variously interpreted as his 'personal god' or guardian angel. In
creation, Chineke, the Supreme Being brings man into being, at the same time
endows him his nature and destiny. This nature and destiny are spoken of as
'uwa' and the personal 'chi' which every human being possesses. Thus if any
person does something characteristics of him/her, the Igbo say ọ bụ etu ụwa ya dị (i.e.
it is how his/her nature is}. The idea of 'chi' explains the elements of luck,
fortune, destiny or fate unique to an individual. The Igbo say of a lucky man ọ bụ onye chi ọma. Igbo mythology is replete with examples
illustrating the fact that the " Supreme Being used to be very close to human
beings but later withdrew to the sky because a woman used to poke her pestle in
the sky while pounding her foofoo late in the night. This incessant disturbance made God to
withdraw. It is this that probably gave rise to the concept of deus otiosus - the withdrawn God, a
concept that at God does not enmesh himself in human affairs. It has also been
suggested that it could be that it is this withdrawal of God that gave rise to
the Igbo expressions: Mmadụ bụ chukwu a na afụ anya n'ụwa (A human being is the
god that is seen in the world). Madụ bụ chi ibe ya (A human being is a
god to another person). Both expressions imply that human beings
also can play vital roles it influencing the destiny of others. This is the
point D.I. Nwoga tried to make in his very much misunderstood book, The Supreme God as Stranger in Igbo Religious
Thought. T.U. Nwala (1985:46) tried to summarize the
concept of destiny among the Igbo by citing two Igbo Sayings to the effect that
Whatever befalls a man is - ihe ya na chi
ya kpara (What he settles with his chi) but onye kwe chi ya ekwe, (If a man wills, his peronal 'Chi' wills
also) provides him an escape route from the clutches of fatalism. Thus the
element of fatalism, where man is left to the mercy of destiny is mitigated by
ascribing some will power and initiative to man. One can influence one's 'chi'
by brave or good conduct and this knocks the horn out of fatalism in Igbo
philosophy. It is here that we find the traditional Igbo
escape from this apparent fatalism through the basic principle of onye kwe chi ya ekwe. The Igbo believe that
if a man is at peace with his god and his ancestors his harvest will be good or
bad depending on the strength of his arm. What is implied as Nwala rightly
indicated is that the efficacy of the human will depend on a sound moral life
because that is the only way he can be at peace with his god and his ancestors.
'Chi' is like a personal guide which pilots a man's prospects and determines
his fortune. For the Igbo three principles are operative
in the shaping of a person's life. We have already pointed to the principle of onye kwe chi ya ekwe, the other two are:
(1) akara aka and (2) lfe si na chi. Akara aka literally refers to lines inscripted on a
person's palm. Among the Igbo it is
believed that what one would be in life is already inscripted on the person's
palm. What can hinder the actualization of what is inscripted are incorrect
reading and misinterpretation as well as lack of sustained personal effort. The
principle of lfe si na chi implies
things that are already predetermined from birth for somebody. However in both
principles we observe that: (I) what comes to people are predetermined and so
no escape and (2) the relationship between chi and personal effort in the total
shaping of a person's life and (3) the principle of onye kwe chi ya ekwe is a normative paradigm in the conduct of
one's affairs in life. It is a manifestation of optimism and dynamism so
evident in the Igbo attempt at self actualization and achievement orientation. Chinua Achebe's Things Fall Apart brought out the working of the 'chi' principle in
Igbo life. Unoka had gone to the oracle to find out why he still had poor
harvest inspite of the prescribed sacrifices he offered to the gods, and he was
also in good standing with his 'chi'. The oracles confirmed that Unoka was in
good standing with his 'chi' but insisted that he should go home and work
harder because mere offering of sacrifice would not make him reap bounteous
harvests. Thus having a good 'chi' must be accompanied by being industrious. On
the other hand, it is said of Okonkwọ that he is an example of one who
said 'yes' to his 'chi' but his 'chi' refused to give assent to his
affirmation. The explanation is that no one can go beyond his 'chi.' As a matter of fact the Igbo does not give
up or get discouraged. The principles of
akara aka, lfe si na chi and onye kwe
chi ya ekwe serve as ideology of consolation, encouragement, and
determination. In Achebe's Things Fall
Apart, Okonkwọ contributed to his own fate. He was consumed by his
personal ambition. He failed to understand the basic Igbo philosophy of
complementary dualities and consequent accommodationists principle inherent in
that philosophy. This suggests that saying 'yes' must be understood within the framework of the dominant world view of
the people. The Igbo hardly ever resign to fate, they hardly give up in a
struggle which they set their minds on. This is supported by their wisdom
sayings: |
